Conservatives and the Asian-American Vote

It has become trendy for political analysts to say that Mitt Romney lost the election because he didn’t have enough support from minority voters, and that the Republicans thus need to appeal more to minority voters. While there is some truth to this analysis, liberals have sanctimoniously implied that Republicans need to appeal to minorities by specifically changing their positions so that they essentially become another liberal party. The classic suggestion is that Republicans become more liberal on illegal immigration. It certainly could be true that the “liberal” position on illegal immigration is the morally correct position for conservatives to take, but if Republicans are going to change their political positions, they should only do so because those changes are correct, not because it is politically convenient. After all, no Democrat would ever claim that the Democratic Party should not have pushed civil rights legislation in the 1960s, even though that caused huge electoral problems for the Democratic Party in the South. The question that Republicans have to ask is what minority groups are fundamentally conservative, so that they can appeal to them without changing their positions. As someone whose family immigrated to the US from Vietnam, I believe that for cultural and historical reasons Asians are fundamentally conservative, and that Republicans need to reach out to them (and that they can do this without changing their values or positions).

Most of us Asians immigrated to the United States relatively recently. While people immigrate for different reasons, almost all immigrants come to America for the broad reason of a better future. We believe that if we follow the American dream, work with our hardest effort and save money, we will have more possibilities for a better life than anywhere else. It doesn’t matter what race we are, how much wealth we have, or what religion we believe in: this is America, and anybody can succeed if they work hard. This is why there’s the common (and in my experience, true) conception of the “Asian work ethic,” which is the stereotype that Asians are intensely determined to succeed in education, the workplace, and life. This stereotype is because we as Asians are driven to follow the American dream and enjoy the benefits that are unique to America; the “Asian work ethic” is an offshoot of the American dream (and it’s not inherently Asian). For a large part, the American dream has become or is in the process of becoming true for Asians across the nation.

Unfortunately, the left is stifling that American dream and work ethic. Though liberals don’t intend it, their policies will leave the poor (which will include some Asians) perpetually in poverty and dependent on government assistance. Don’t believe me? Lawrence Summers, who served under President Obama as the director of the White House National Economic Council, wrote in a research paper that unemployment insurance, which liberal Democrats have been eager to prolong, actually exacerbates unemployment. The reason seems straightforward: unemployment benefits incentivize the unemployed to not look for work. Not only is it less imminent that they find a job, but unemployment benefits can actually be more profitable than available jobs. Additionally, Democratic Representative Gloria Moore testified in Congress about how she once begged her boss not to give her a pay raise because she would have lost her welfare as a result. What might be even worse is that the federal government now runs ads glorifying food stamps, saying that they’re a great way to lose weight (shouldn’t food stamps be something that people should aim to get off of?). Without realizing it, the left is advocating a system that not only awards mediocre performance, but also punishes hard work. How the “Asian work ethic” can be compatible with a system that lowers upward mobility and perpetuates dependency is beyond me. Just imagine what it would be like if grades worked the same way as the welfare state, where people are discouraged from getting that A. This system would undermine the “Asian work ethic,” and the same can be said about a massive welfare state, which is what the left aims to create.

It would be one thing if discouraging hard work and success was just an unfortunate side effect of leftist policy. However, the left has actually rhetorically perpetuated cleavage between the successful and the less well off, going almost to the point of demonizing the successful. Just look back to last year, when Occupy Princeton mic-checked investment banking info sessions and moralistically protested the high number of Princetonians that go into finance (how dare Princetonians look for a high paying job in a sector necessary for economic growth!). Look at the campaign: the left campaigned on raising taxes on the rich, as if raising taxes on other people is supposed to be a positive thing that gets voters enthused. Of course, reasonable people can disagree on political issues, and perhaps there’s an argument to raise taxes the rich out of necessity, but trying to enthuse voters by the prospect of raising taxes on the successful is just class warfare. In addition, look at the way that Barack Obama belittled business owners by telling them: “you didn’t build that,” implying that the successful owed their fortune to the government and to everybody else (as if the successful don’t already give back to their community…). The way that liberals thrive on tension between “haves and have-nots” really seems contrary to the “Asian work ethic.” While my parents were not nearly as tough as Amy Chua (the “Tiger Mom”), I still consider my parents to have raised me under this work ethic. When I got a worse grade than I or they would’ve liked, not once did they ever teach me to resent anybody who got a better grade than I did. What was more important was that I improve myself to get better grades, and all of my friends with “the Asian work ethic” felt the same way about their own grades.

Ultimately, conservatives want to create and preserve the correct environment conducive to following the American Dream. They realize that individuals will have to choose to follow the American Dream for themselves, but that this can only be possible with a certain environment. First, conservatives seek to make sure that everybody can keep the fruits of their hard labor by lowering all marginal income tax rates. That way, nobody’s incentivized not to work harder due to a high tax rate that punishes extra work. Conservatives also seek to incentivize personal saving (which is necessary for anybody wishing to move up the economic ladder) by lowering taxes on savings and investment, such as the capital gains tax, taxes on dividends, and the dreaded “death tax.” When government assistance is necessary, conservatives want to make sure that such assistance only provides a hand up, and not a hand out. The key example that stands out in my mind is the 1996 welfare reform bill, which was proposed by conservatives. This bill incentivized many of the poor to get off the welfare rolls and helped pull some of the poor out of the vicious cycle of government dependency. Conservatives also want to preserve the American dream for future generations by cutting spending and instilling budget restraint, so that future generations aren’t hit with higher taxes that would hurt the economy (certainly, we can argue about how bad ending the Bush tax cuts would be for the American economy, but the tax raises that would have to happen in an American Greece-like debt crisis would be so high that anybody would find them economically crippling). As newly moved immigrants know, some sacrifice is necessary to provide their kids with opportunities that they never had. The federal budget works the same way: restraint and sacrifice is necessary to make sure that our kids aren’t footed with a massive bill for the national debt. With a dismal economy, which would certainly happen if the debt issue is kicked down the road, there will be less opportunities for the less fortunate, and American Dream will become just a dream. If you notice, all of these conservative policies merely seek to ensure that the American Dream is possible to follow for those who want to follow it. If the less fortunate want to move up, conservatives ultimately want them to take initiative and do it themselves, and conservatives worry the most about making sure that the correct environment exists so that this is possible. This stands in huge contrast with the liberal plan, which disempowers the less fortunate and makes it harder for them to take responsibility over their own lives. While liberals view the less fortunate as victims and ultimately try to take responsibility of their lives, conservatives view the less fortunate as fundamentally capable of following the American Dream and lifting themselves up. Which is more in tune with Asian ideals?

There are, however, some very positive moments in recent Asian history. Many of these moments happened because of conservative-minded free-market reforms. For example, China’s economy started growing rapidly once China enacted capitalistic reforms under Deng Xiaoping. Although it’s currently popular for the left to bash China, the rise of China should be lauded as a triumph for free markets and capitalism. None of this success would’ve been possible under Mao Zedong. Similar success stories can be found with the Four Asian Tigers: South Korea (just compare the progress South Korea has made to that of North Korea), Singapore, Taiwan, and Hong Kong. It’s important to remember how far all of these liberalized countries in Asia have come along. As London School of Economics Professor Danny Quah notes, 630 million Chinese people were lifted out of poverty thanks to Xiaoping’s reforms. It would be absolutely wrong to label China as a libertarian paradise, but China’s history serves as a testament to how powerful market liberalization can be at removing poverty and providing opportunity to the worst off. Many more lives were taken out of poverty under China’s liberalization than would have been possible with a large government program. Similarly, Milton Friedman raved about how Hong Kong, despite having few good natural resources and an “overcrowded” population, was able to grow its average capita per income much larger than that of its former colonizer, Great Britain, even though Britain had historically been an economic powerhouse, with the Industrial Revolution. The reason for this counterintuitive outcome, Friedman argued, was because Hong Kong chose a “hands-off” government approach, allowing for market liberalization. In contrast, Britain chose to rely on government, and nobody would seriously argue that Britain’s economy was more liberalized than Hong Kong’s. If market liberalization, lower taxes, and celebration of success worked for our brothers in Asia, it does not make sense that we as Asian-Americans associate an ideology that supports the opposite of these policies.

Currently, most Asians are not voting for the conservative party. As Francis Wilkinson of Bloomberg writes, Asians voted for Obama and the Democratic Party 3 to 1. However, this does not prove that Asians are inherently liberal. Republicans have not made a great effort to appeal to Asians (or any other minorities for that matter), and the current stereotypical image of the Republican Party as the party of the “old, white, Christian man” has not been particularly appealing to non-white voters. However, this says nothing about conservative ideology’s electoral viability with regard to Asians. From my experience, it’s fairly clear that most Asians are incredibly motivated to follow the American Dream, and are not content with the idea of not taking responsibility for one’s own life or of blaming somebody else for one’s misfortune. In my view, this is why Asians are fundamentally conservative. It is time for Republicans to take charge and reach out to Asian voters by demonstrating to them that conservative values best represent Asian values.

By Han Tran

Campaigning, Politics

Black Friday

Free-market capitalism at its best, or consumerist society at its worst?

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Uncategorized

The Real Pro-Life Stance

Being pro-life means more than opposing abortion.  This much Thomas Friedman observed in his New York Times article entitled “Why I am Pro-Life.”  Beyond that, Friedman falls short of presenting a coherent notion of what it actually means for him to be “pro-life.”  Rather, he arrogates for himself and the social-left the title of pro-life, which he claims the social-right has misappropriated to designate those who solely oppose abortion.  Friedman justifies this on the tenuous grounds that environmental concerns and gun control issues are of greater import to human life than abortion as he tacitly suggests.  In addition, he implies that being pro-life does not necessitate opposing abortion, which is the most flagrantly accepted termination of life in modern American society.  Friedman’s position is at best incoherent and at worst an insidious reframing of what it means to be “pro-life.”

“‘Pro-life’ can mean only one thing: ‘respect for the sanctity of life.’”  Friedman correctly defines the essential nature of what it means to be pro-life.  Therefore the contradiction apparent in his article is not one of semantics.  We are not quibbling merely about how to define pro-life so much as how to apply this notion in the real world.  At the root of the matter, we must ask how we are to translate a pro-life ideology – as defined above – into a real world stance.  This is where Friedman goes astray and tries to drag the pro-life label along with him.

Respect for the sanctity of life is concurrent with the duration of life itself.  It is not a temporary sentiment that comes and goes in accord with our convenience.  This respect necessarily begins when life begins and ends when life ends.  Of relevance to this discussion is the scientifically established definition of life as beginning at the moment of conception.  To respect life means to hold it in esteem and treat it accordingly.  Therefore, we should not end life (excepting instances of Just War).  With this understanding, our respect for life ought to endure until life naturally ends.

Thomas Friedman makes convenient use of pro-life ideology in a limited scope that pushes to the side the months of life that occur within the womb.  He argues that issues of the environment and gun control take preeminence to that of abortion presumably since those issues pertain to life outside the womb.  The negative impact of air pollution on life or the potential for a bullet from an automatic weapon to destroy or harm life, Friedman claims, is more severe than that of abortion.  Hence, he disregards abortion altogether.  This logic is flawed.

Abortion directly impacts life.  This much is incontrovertible.  The voluntary act of aborting a zygote or a fetus directly terminates life with willful intent.  Environmental dangers may pose dangers to life, but often through an intermediary stage and likely without willful intent.  Air pollution, for instance, may lead to harmful lung diseases that then lead to death.  Polluters themselves do not release toxins into the air with the intent of causing such fatal maladies.  It is a side-effect of some other intent and is overlooked as a result of a collective action problem known in economics as an externality.  Clearly, the environment is an indirect life issue.

Likewise for gun control.  Owning guns – even assault weapons – does not pose immediate danger to life as abortion does.  The distinction is that guns are tools that men control via triggers.  If a man has the intent to kill and thus pulls the trigger, the moral onus is on the man, not the gun.  The gun is morally neutral, as are the forceps, vacuums, or other medical equipment that are used to perform abortions.  Thus, the issue of gun control is secondary to the direct issue of killing.

These points are not made to belittle the importance of environmental concerns or considerations of gun control so much as to clarify the extent of their relevance to life relative to abortion.  Abortion is killing.  It is the direct termination of life that began at conception.  Therefore, abortion must be prioritized as a pro-life issue, and certainly not disregarded as flippantly as Friedman seems to do.  No manner of rhetorical legerdemain can deny the scale of abortion’s impact on life: 54,559,615 fetuses have been deliberately killed on account of abortion in the US alone since 1973 (Guttmacher Institute).  To put this into perspective, a broad estimate of the number of human lives extinguished during the Holocaust is about 12 million.

Notwithstanding, being pro-life is indeed more than opposing abortion as is the central tenet of Friedman’s critical article.  It is about combatting all of those threats to life that are most direct – including but not limited to abortion.  Other than abortion, the death penalty and euthanasia stand out as the clearest direct perils to life as opposed to Friedman’s hyper-emphasis on the environment, guns, education, obesity, among other such secondary issues.  Among true pro-lifers, there is one consensus: that abortion and other acts of killing are unequivocally wrong.  In contrast, pro-lifers may disagree on the secondary issues or how they are to be dealt with.  For example, pro-lifers agree in principle on the sanctity of life but may differ on the efficacy of the EPA, programs such as Head Start, or gun-control regulations.

Friedman tries to argue that the consistent anti-abortion pro-life position is marginal in today’s society.  In fact, he grossly mischaracterizes the consensus of the American public on the issue of abortion.  Whereas in fact, a full 50% of Americans identify as pro-life and only 41% as pro-choice (Gallup), Friedman asserts that the “consensus says that those who choose to oppose abortion in their own lives for reasons of faith or philosophy should be respected, but those women who want to make a different personal choice over what happens with their own bodies should be respected.”  This sounds more like Joe Biden than the American public.

“To name something is to own it,” Friedman wrote.  Ironically, it is Friedman himself who is using words to his advantage.  He takes pro-life ideology and applies it only to post-birth secondary life issues and then arrogates the label of pro-life to this position.  With regards to one of the most critical issues, abortion, Friedman calls the real pro-life advocates “hard-line” and even “borderline crazy.”  A rigid stance against abortion, even in cases of rape, does not imply some clandestine war on the health of women but rather an unwavering commitment to life, no matter how that life began.  If one takes seriously the sanctity of life, then no Machiavellian “ends-justify-the-means” reasoning can lessen the severity of aborting a child conceived even by an act of rape.  One crime does not rectify another.  Common sense is enough to detect the inconsistency here.  Everyone agrees that a child conceived in rape deserves full protection of the law after birth; this begs the question as to why such a child would not deserve this same protection before birth.  A real pro-lifer must indeed be “uncompromising” as Friedman puts it.

The real pro-life stance necessitates an uncompromising fight for the sanctity of life from conception to natural death by first addressing those immediate threats to life as abortion, the death penalty, or euthanasia, and secondarily turning to consider those issues broached by Friedman.  The rearrangement and neglect of the most important of these priorities is nothing short of a perversion of what it means to be “Pro-Life.”  Friedman’s nominally pro-life stance is, in his own words, “a huge distortion.”

- Thomas Z. Horton ’15

National Policy, Social Issues , , ,

Arne Duncan’s Mixed Message on Education Reform

Yesterday afternoon, U.S. Secretary of Education Arne Duncan came to campus to speak about education policy under the Obama administration. I won’t bother attempting to recount everything that Duncan said– for a comprehensive summary, you can check out the Daily Princetonian’s article on the event. Rather, I would like to provide a critical analysis of the vision of the American education system that Duncan presented, which, we infer, is indicative of the viewpoint of President Obama himself. For conservatives, Secretary Duncan’s talk had a lot of positive aspects, but also left much to be desired.

Let’s start with the good. Duncan was unflinchingly honest in his portrayal of the abysmal state of public schools in the United States today. He framed this problem as one that has moral, economic, and national security dimensions. His frank acknowledgement of the educational challenges we face as a nation represents the first step along the path to reform. Duncan’s favorable assessment of efforts to inject accountability and competition into schools through initiatives such as Race to the Top should also resonate strongly with conservatives.

While Duncan was admirably candid about the condition of our education system, however, he hesitated to explain just how this dire situation had arisen. He seemed to imply that achievement gaps and dropout factories came out of nowhere, when, in fact, they are the inevitable product of the way public education in the U.S. is structured. Similarly, he expressed shock at state codes prohibiting merit pay for teachers, and district policies that forbid after school tutoring programs, wondering aloud how it is that such laws came to exist. The obvious culprits, of course, are the teachers unions.

It is not surprising that Duncan– who, after all, serves in a Democratic administration– would be reluctant to criticize teachers unions. It was disappointing, however, to hear him actually praise unions as a force for change in education while disparaging efforts to rein in their disproportionate political influence. Additionally, while Duncan resisted the familiar liberal habit of suggesting more government intervention as the solution, he did heap praise on the recent federal takeover of the student loan industry (for a description of the drawbacks of this so-called “reform,” see this column published in the Daily Princetonian last spring).

Taking on the entrenched interests who stand in the way of education reform is certainly a step in the right direction, but what I’d really like to see is for politicians to start talking about vouchers. Encouraging higher standards within public schools is all well and good, but such efforts are unlikely to prove sustainable in the long run. Once the pressure is off, it will be all too easy for teachers and administrators to fall back into the dysfunctional routine of the old status quo. If parents are empowered to make decisions about their children’s education, however, market incentives will drive schools to develop systems that encourage excellence in teachers and students without inflating costs. By subsidizing privately-run educational institutions, we can maintain our commitment to providing all of America’s children with educational opportunities while getting the government out of the business of running schools itself, a task for which it is clearly unsuited.

Implementing a vouchers plan on a national scale is still a pipe dream, and is sure to remain one so long as the Democrats control the White House and the Senate. But Secretary Duncan’s vociferous advocacy of education reform makes future progress toward this goal more probable by shifting the debate. It is the duty of Republicans in the House of Representatives, as well as prospective presidential contenders, to offer an even stronger alternative that takes education out of the dominion of bureaucrats and teachers unions and puts it under the control of families and communities.

Events, National Policy, Other National Policy, Princeton ,

James Capretta on Repealing and Replacing Obamacare

Yesterday, former associate White House budget director James Capretta came to campus to speak about health care. His discussion tied together various themes that have been percolating throughout the ongoing health care debate while bringing out new information. Perhaps his most interesting point was how the inevitable politicization of government-run health systems leads to a diminished quality of care. This is an argument that most conservatives understand intuitively, but Capretta provided substantive examples of how this works in practice. He notes that under Medicare, efforts to reward healthcare providers who deliver the best results are rebuffed by political intervention; doctors are a powerful interest group, so if one practice is denied access to the massive pool of Medicare-eligible patients, they can lobby their elected representatives. As a result, it is impossible to make decisions about how to allocate Medicare funds on the basis of merit, so instead cuts are made across the board, reducing the quality of care for everyone. This lack of accountability ensures that the U.S. healthcare system will remain inefficient and health spending will continue to soar without a corresponding improvement in outcomes.

These problems, Capretta shows, will be magnified under the government-run health exchanges that form the core of Obama’s plan for universal health access, driving providers out of business and creating a segregated, two-tiered health system. Additionally, because of the bill’s hidden costs, ignored in the widely cited CBO analysis of its fiscal impact, it will contribute to the nation’s crippling debt problem. Relying on President Obama’s own budget projections, the nation’s debt will hit $19 trillion by 2021, and the crisis will only worsen in the ensuing decades as the retiring baby boom generation strains entitlement programs. Finally, there is a more philosophical argument against Obamacare– the radical reversal of the relationship between the citizen and the state that it would affect.

Having laid out the case against Obamacare, Capretta proceeded to stress the need for a Republican alternative. In the past, he says, Republicans largely ignored the issue of health care, dismissing it as a natural advantage for the Democrats. But with health care such a pressing concern for the American public, Republicans cannot cede the debate to proponents of socialized medicine, but must present a plan to increase access, reduce costs, and improve quality. He views the proposal offered by John McCain during the 2008 presidential campaign to replace tax deductions for health benefits with a tax credit for purchasing insurance as a good starting point. Of course, as Capretta reminds us, Obama pummeled McCain for that suggestion. Capretta’s solution is a shift in marketing from doom-and-gloom to portraying the positive aspects of market-based health care reform. His advice is worth taking into consideration by potential Republican contenders for the presidency, especially since, as he warns, 2012 represents the last, best hope for eliminating Obamacare.

Events, Healthcare, Princeton

William Voegeli on the Expansion of Government

William Voegeli, the author of Never Enough: America’s Limitless Welfare State, gave a lecture this afternoon on the subject of government spending. Aided by several useful graphs, he showed that, while overall spending levels have not changed significantly in the past 60 years, the distribution of spending has shifted dramatically. Defense spending has declined since the early days of the Cold War, while spending on Voegeli dubs “human resources,” which includes entitlement programs like Social Security and Medicare, has soared. At the same time, however, by all objective metrics, these programs have failed to meet their goals; poverty rates have remained at roughly the same level for the past several decades.

Voegeli is not alone in attempting to sound the alarm bell over rising entitlement spending; many commentators and politicians have noticed this problem. His solution– means testing– is also a fairly common one, figuring prominently in the Bowles-Simpson deficit commission report as well as Representative Paul Ryan’s Roadmap. In fact, as he notes, reducing benefit payments to the wealthy should be a goal that conservatives and liberals alike can agree upon. He does caution that means testing must be done properly, citing the rapid increases in spending on programs that currently have means testing provisions. He seems fairly optimistic that a bipartisan agreement can be reached on such a plan, since the “blue model” (a term he credits to Walter Russell Mead) has proven unsustainable.

For my part, I am not persuaded that Democrats and Republicans can unite around the goal of reforming the welfare state. Both sides have a clear vision for how America’s social contract should be revised. For conservatives, this involves cuts in government spending; for liberals, tax hikes on the wealthy and the middle-class. Both sides also know that, at this moment in time, any effort to address the nation’s fiscal situation will require compromise, while if the situation worsens, they might be able to achieve their goals more fully. If the nation is on the verge of bankruptcy, extreme measures of either a liberal or a conservative variety will prove more palatable than they currently are.

If it could be determined with absolute certainty whether conservatives or liberals would prevail in a budget crisis, an acceptable deal could be obtained. However, since it is impossible to know the outcome of such a scenario, both sides have an incentive to gamble on the possibility of winning outright. It’s a classic prisoners dilemma.

Moreover, as events in Wisconsin and elsewhere have shown over the course of the past few weeks, Democrats are heavily dependent upon the status quo, and unlikely to prove willing to accept an arrangement that would curtail the influence of public employee unions, their most generous campaign contributors. Republican motives for alleviating the deficit, by contrast, are less self-interested– though a partial privatization of entitlement programs could, as Karl Rove argued during the Social Security debate of 2005, help to enlarge the investor class, a group that is more disposed to favor the Republican Party. Because the Democrats are more enthusiastic about preserving big government than the Republicans are about dismantling it, they have an inherently superior bargaining position, and thus could extract disproportionate concessions from the Republicans during a hypothetical negotiation process.

Collectively, these impediments suggest that the debt problem will get worse before it gets better. Throughout history, the fervor of the American public has proven hard to incite, yet relentless once roused. During World War II, for instance, we ignored the rise of fascist aggression for too long, but once alerted to the dangers it presented, devoted ourselves completely to its defeat. One can only hope that this pattern will repeat itself with regards to the national debt, an adversary that appears just as menacing as Hitler and Tojo did in 1940.

Entitlements, Events, Fiscal Policy, National Policy, Princeton ,

Mary Ann Glendon on Cicero and Burke on Politics as a Vocation

Mary Ann Glendon is the former US Ambassador to the Holy See and a distinguished professor at Harvard Law School. This afternoon, she came to campus to speak about two men– Cicero and Burke– who come from very different time periods yet faced similar challenges in their political careers. Incidentally, both men came to be known more for their philosophy than for their political careers, in large part because they largely failed to achieve their stated political objects.

As Glendon notes, Cicero and Burke were convinced that politics ought to be the profession of the best men society has to offer, but observed that this is often not the case. Rather, the field of politics attracts men prone to venality, corruption, and demagoguery, while the intelligent and morally righteous are dissuaded from entering public service for precisely these reasons.

Cicero and Burke each faced a series of dilemmas in their careers that forced them to choose between adhering to their ideals and accepting a compromise. For Cicero, his goal was the preservation of the Roman Republic; for Burke, the extension of political rights to oppressed British subjects in Ireland, the American colonies, and India. These were unpopular positions, rendering complete success impossible. As Glendon shows, both men were willing to modify their stances and acquiesce to a more limited approximation of their objectives. For this reason, they are often criticized in retrospect, even though no preferable alternative to their course of action has been proposed.

Glendon draws the parallel between the examples of Cicero and Burke and the choices faced by modern politicians. She encourages us to think of negotiation and settlement not as signs of weak-willed cowardice, but rather as the epitome of statesmanship. Certainly there are instances in which a principle is at stake that is so inalienable that no compromise can be tolerated, but most of the time, the approach of Cicero and Burke is the correct one. This is a lesson that we ought to bear in mind as we evaluate the leadership of our elected representatives.

Events

Barack Obama Still Doesn’t Get It

President Obama’s State of the Union address was a remarkable change, in both style and substance, from what we’ve come to expect from him during his two years in office. Gone were the exhortations to increase spending and develop new entitlement programs, along with the cavalier attitude toward the massive debt incurred by such policies, replaced by a frank acknowledgement that our current fiscal situation is unsustainable. Much has been made of Obama’s alleged shift toward the center since the midterm elections, beginning with the lame-duck session of Congress and continuing with the appointment of several new pro-business advisors. What these analyses miss, however, is that Obama’s embrace of the free market comes without a newfound understanding of the pitfalls of government intervention in the private sector.

The limits of Obama’s reinvention are demonstrated by his repeated reference to “investment.” The examples he cites are telling. He talks about how Sputnik spurred the U.S. to get involved in the space race, and in the process created new jobs and new industries, ignoring the fact that NASA would later become a byword for cost overruns, delays, and visionary drift. In addition, he conflates three distinct government infrastructure projects– the transcontinental railroad, rural electrification, and the interstate highway system. In the first case, the federal government gave private companies the resources they needed to get the job done, and then backed off; in the second, by contrast, the government established enterprises like the TVA that competed with, and ultimately bankrupted, private corporations like Wendell Willkie’s Commonwealth & Southern. The government’s strategy for building the interstate highway system consisted primarily of providing states with money for road construction, while Obama’s drive for high-speed trains uses coercion to force states to design rail networks in accordance with federal guidelines or else risk forfeiting the money, as Governors Scott Walker of Wisconsin and John Kasich of Ohio recently did.

This kind of government meddling in the economy naturally gives rise to corporate welfare, rent-seeking behavior, and subsidies to unproductive industries. Chris Horner, writing in the Daily Caller, makes this point with regards to the so-called “green jobs” that Obama and his fellow Democrats have spent the past several years touting. The always excellent Wall Street Journal editorial board also chimes in.

I wish I could say that conservatives have latched onto this criticism of the Obama, but by and large, Republicans in Washington have focused on the consequences that profligate spending has on the budget deficit. At a time when our debt is ballooning out of control, this is certainly a strong argument, but one that is open to the rejoinder by Krugman types that temporary deficit spending is necessary to boost the economy in the long run. The reality is that the effect of government appropriations on the nation’s economic conditions will be marginal at best and detrimental at worst. Paul Ryan, in his rebuttal to the State of the Union, makes this point, saying that “government shouldn’t pick winners and losers,” although he is referring specifically to health care reform, not the overall federal budget. A more comprehensive portrayal of the negative repercussions of government spending seems like it must wait for now, even as the validity of this critique becomes increasingly evident.

Politics, President ,

George Will on How James Madison Can Save Us From Woodrow Wilson

Princeton University has, over the course of the past year, had the distinct pleasure of welcoming George Will to campus on three occasions. Will is one of our nation’s foremost public intellectuals, as well as a Princeton grad school alum and current trustee. On Wednesday, he gave an address at a celebration of the 10th Anniversary of the James Madison Society. It was a wide-ranging speech, stretching from the 1700s to the present day, but focusing in particular on the conflicting doctrines of the Founding Fathers, as exemplified by James Madison, and the Progressives, typified by Woodrow Wilson.

Will’s choice of these two figures as a means of illustrating the dynamic currents of American political thought is merited not only by the connection of both men to the University, but by their prominence in developing and expounding two divergent approaches to governance. Madison, in his famous Federalist 10, sought to dispel the classical notion that democracy was possibly only in small city-states, and instead argued that a diverse continental republic like the United States was uniquely suited to avoiding the problem of tyranny of the majority. The competing interests of various factions, Madison argued, would prevent one group from dominating above all others, and instead require building coalitions and building consensus.

Wilson and the early 20th century Progressives, by contrast, were openly critical of the Constitution and its system of checks and balances, arguing that such braking mechanisms created gridlock, impeding the resolution of the problems of the modern age. The solution to this dilemma, argued Wilson and other proponents of this theory, including Theodore and Franklin Roosevelt, was a strong executive branch headed by a president who used his bully pulpit to circumvent Congress and appeal to the American people. This development represented a stark reversal from traditional practice; during the 19th century, presidents rarely, if ever, engaged directly with the public, relying on surrogates in the media to convey their messages. The result was an expanded presidency with nearly unbounded powers.

As Will notes, concerns about the Wilsonian project has arisen out of the Tea Party movement, whose adherents advocate a return to the principles of the Founders. While he cautions that the prospect of rolling back the administrative state is likely to involve a protracted struggle, he finds cause for optimism in the reaction against the excesses of Barack Obama’s first two years in office. Perhaps, he suggests, after electing a man who once promised to “heal the planet… slow the rise of the oceans,” voters will replace him in favor of a modest, unassuming candidate. Such an outcome would certainly be a refreshing change from recent history, which has witnessed a bipartisan trend toward presidential self-aggrandizement, from Bill Clinton’s repeated professions of empathy to George W. Bush’s vow to “rid the world of evil.” If this happens, the credit will be due in large part to the national rediscovery of the ideas of James Madison.

Events, National Policy , ,

Princetonians for Holt

Here is a list of Princeton professors and administrators who have donated money to Representative Rush Holt (D-NJ) in this election cycle. Not a single faculty member has contributed to Holt’s opponent, Scott Sipprelle. All of this information is part of the public domain, and is available at http://www.opensecrets.org/.

Jeanne Altman, EEB Professor– $250

Mary Bauer, Associate Dean of the Faculty– $1,250

Bruce Draine, Astrophysics Professor– $500

Thomas Espenshade, Sociology Professor– $250

Alan Gelperin, Molecular Biology Professor– $250

Andrew Golden, Manager of Princeton’s endowment– $2,400

Jeremy Goodman, Astrophysics Professor– $500

Hendrik Hartog, History Professor and Director of the Program in American Studies– $1,000

Lincoln Hollister, Geoscience Professor– $500

David Huse, Physics Professor– $500

Karen Jezierny, University Director of Public Affairs– $500

Stanley Katz, Wilson School Professor– $500

Russel Kulsrud, Astrophysics Professor– $500

Douglas Massey, Wilson School Professor– $750

Richard Miles, MAE Professor– $500

Deborah Nord, English Professor– $250

Lyman Page, Physics Professor– $1,000

Elaine Pascu, History Professor– $250

David Redman, Associate Dean of Academic Affairs, Office of the Dean of the Graduate College– $250

Daniel Rodgers, History Professor– $500

William Russel, Dean of the Graduate College– $1,000

Jean Schwartzbauer, Molecular Biology Professor– $250

Eldar Shafir, Psychology Professor– $500

Paul Sigmund, Politics Professor– $500

Robert Socolow, MAE Professor– $500

Frank Von Hippel, Wilson School Professor– $2,400

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